[atlarge-discuss] OUTREACH - FYI: Social Movement Theory

["Jkhan" <Jkhan@MetroMgr.com>]

F.Y.I:  For those of you who are interested in Social Movement Theory, I
have adapted a paper below for the Icannatlarge.com Coalition (a
coalition of groups Danny has mentioned), and the science of how they
can be incorporated.

A Bibliography is included if you have further interest. - jk
_______________________________________________________________________

An Organizational Analysis

The organizational structure of the Icannatlarge.com Coalition is a
contingency of decentralized and formalized cells which are dispersed
internationally and diverse by the nature of their cause, which unites
together in coalition to form an inclusive rights front. 

In analysis of the contributive cell[s], those cells that represent
groups rights that wish to be recognized inclusively, will have to make
the initial decision whether to join the Coalition. The outcome of this
decision depends on the localized cell's structure, which may be a
formal or informal pattern of collective behavior. Jo Freeman(1) depicts
this relationship inevitable in that "structureless" groups do not exist
because any group of people which come together for any length of time
will in itself become structured in some manner, regardless of the
abilities, personalities, or intentions of the people involved. The
decision to join with the Coalition will pinged on the ability of the
cells "Elitist" to surrender a part of their localized power to an
informal disposition of the localized constituency and relinquish & bond
it to the control of the Coalition. 

The outcome is dependent on the leadership of the cell to choose the
direction, the cells structure in regard to participation in its
decision making activities are explicit or implicit, dependent on the
"tyranny" of its Elite. Within the formalized group, those which network
to subgroups with whom they give temporary allegiance will gain the
arbitrational ability to guide the decision making. Thus the informal
network becomes an independent variable to which the formal group is
related, the informal group[s] are created as a result of interaction
patterns among the members, which develop their own elite
representative. 

The political importance of the Icannatlarge Coalition movement within
the cells, provides a focused activity which is the consciousness
raising task of 'Internet Governance' that members actively participate
in. Therefore those cells that have become "impotent" may find an
attraction to the coalition. Staggenborg(2) would say that this is the
equivalent of constructing "frames" of beliefs and meanings by drawing
on existing belief systems and creating new ones. The new "ideology"
created is Representative Equality in Internet Governance,  thus the
creation of a "Master frame" which is common to a number movements.
Wherein elements from more than one master frame may be incorporated as
movement actors arbitrate over the creation of specific collective
action frames. This affects both the emergence and maintenance of
collective action and tactics of social movement organizations. 

Staggenborg suggest that the temperament of a groups approach to
ideological frames is developed from their respective organizational
structure. Collective formation is the result of collective action
frames through which groups participate, which as a result forms an
umbrella organization structure around ideological issues. Thus the
Icannatlarge Coalition is an example of such an umbrella organization. 

A cell's ideological inclination is related by the commitment to
participatory democracy, and to which degree this is formalized in the
structure. Issues of leadership, membership requirements, internal
divisions of labor and responsibility for organizational maintenance,
and decision making procedures shape the structure. As a result
"liberalistic" or "Conservative" venues guide organizational structure.

The results of the cell's ideology places it into an array of; formal &
informal, verses centralized & decentralized fields. According to its
disposition there then follows organizational advantages and
disadvantages. 

Gamison(3) found within groups that formalization aids organizational
maintenance, he contends that the creation of a formalized structure
ensures that maintenance task will be performed routinely. The formal
division of labor become more extensive and expands along functional
lines. Conversely informal organizations struggle with problems of
raising money and integrating new members. When formal regulations are
put into place it creates a more centralized power structure that
reduces internal conflict. 

Piven and Cloward(4) suggest that the Civil rights movement is a
mobilizing movement, the leadership organization is short lived, because
the resources for the insurgency will not last long. They say that the
formal mass membership organization is not effective as a series of
demonstrations that lead to an outcome. Also is that organizations lead
to oligarchy, and oligarchy leads to failure. 

Jenkins(5) suggest that Oligarchy need not lead to conservatism. If you
have radicals they will push it to more radical leadership. Thus it is
the culture of the leaders that effect the direction of the group

The Burns(6) model stemming from resource mobilization theory considers
that the direction in which the organization moves depends on the
resource control, this means that leadership can shift. Competition for
resource and leadership within and from outside the organization changes
the leadership style. Membership can also alter the leadership and so
follows that changes in the resource base changes goals. 

The Coalition of  Internet Governance  may have its start as a Stein(7)
type organization, where the organization would work outside the
established cells to induce social reproduction, as more and more cells
recognize that they want to be an alliance, these relationships build
potential for mobilization. Stein argues to develop inclusion of
culture, you then mobilize for Culture & Ideology. The organization is
responsible for the cultural ideology, the cognitive liberation is
within the emphasis of other cultures, thus becoming multi-cultural.
Staggenborg suggest that the decentralized and formalized organization
can maintain effective viability. The coalesced effect of Staggenborg &
Stein may prove to be key in the organization of the coalition.


Inclusive Meta-Ethics

The object of the Coalition is to raise the awareness of all individuals
that we are all have an equal stake in the governance of the Internet,
and that it takes "all kinds" to make the internet a successful social
tool. That is to say that it takes all kinds of social reproduction to
make things happen in a diverse virtual world with a heterogeneous
population. The awareness of these differences starts in the home, where
they are constructed by the immediate surroundings. These surrounding
formulate our social reproduction habits. It is our essential
enculturation, which guides us and identifies us of who we are.

In order for the  Icannatlarge Coalition  to press forth on national
issues, like the adaptation of the World Internet Government by the
Legislature, the Coalition must have a network. 

I would approach this as Elden Morris(8) describes "Local Movement
Centers" or micro-clusters as described in  User Group  communities
above, that collectively come together in a
"Decentralized-Segmented-Reticulate" coalition. This approach is strong,
it promotes diversity, and the diversity is conducive to democratic
principles in that it is the incorporation of User groups, thus those
that fractionate exclude themselves from the coalition. This diversity
enables it to attack in a variety of different ways, it makes use of
people that involve themselves in different places. 

Recruitment & Tactics 

Recruitment of groups (organizations) and individuals into the
Icannatlarge Coalition, has already in some respects taken place, what
is necessary is to create their awareness of the Coalition. As
McAdams(9) points out, traditionally there are various "personalogical"
reasons that account for movement recruitment. This attraction is due to
underlying characteristics and/or ideological attributes that produce
activism. The individuals in this example may be ones whom already
belong to an aggrieved group (women, minorities), or fall perhaps into
the gray area between groups can seek the Coalition to relive their
psychological tensions. This relative deprivation theory can be extended
to though individuals, whom in the case of this Coalition may feel
deprived by their own organization in that it has lost its
effectiveness, or that these organizations has lost their ideal,
relative to the new perspective of that of the Icannatlarge Coalition.
Critics of this classical collective behavior approach would be
skeptical, they would argue that not all would show a uniform interest
in the aggrieved platform, and that it denies the advent of community
involvement. 

Resource mobilization theorist would approach membership recruitment for
the Coalition by identifying people in networks or "weak ties", who then
can be organized for movement. The question becomes one of what type of
activism is to be pursued and what is a good basis for recruitment?
Networks with "weak ties" or ones with "strong ties". As I have
presented in prior papers the purpose of the Coalition is to create the
inclusive mind through innovation in the social reproduction habitat,
which develops successive generations of iGovernance aware individuals. 

As social tensions will rise, as well as political opportunities, thus
"High-risk/cost activism" behavior may increasingly be absorbed into
"the latitude of acceptance." High-risk/cost activism is activism that
places new recruits "at risk" in more costly forms of participation.
However if the trends become significantly favorable for individuals to
become members of the Coalition, then subsequent high-risk/cost activism
will occur, eventually increasing integration into the network, and
develop ideological socialization of the Coalition and become an
advocate for the Coalition. A key factor of these candidates is what
McAdams terms "biographical availability" (Stoecker (10) might consider
this a part of social reproduction labor profits) which are the risking
of profits in participation, for instance employment, marriage, and
family responsibility. So to protest or not to protest becomes a
question. 

Another approach to recruiting participant in to the Coalition is Frame
Alignment (Snow)(11). The Coalitions "Frame" allows people to "locate,
perceive, identify, and label" occurrences with in their life space and
the world at large. This requires that the SMOs (Social Movement
Organizations) and Coalition acquire a thorough understanding of
grievance and ideational elements, such as values and supportive
beliefs, then when these conditions for frame alignment are considered
strategic action can be perused. A participant's  concept of time,
energy, or money becomes subject to their frequent reassessment and
re-negotiation. This is the rationale of participation in the activity. 

The "frame alignment process" is in four parts. The "frame bridging" is
accomplished by creating a relationship between two ideologically
similar frames that share a common issue. For the Coalition this could
be the Equal representation issue that coalesces the CECUA frame and the
ISOC frame. This can be facilitated by effective recruitment publicity,
which evokes a shared sentiment from a pool sympathetic supporters. 

Frame Amplification focuses on the meaning of events and their
connection to ones immediate life situation, which concern a particular
issue. The Recruit's values are amplified by the SMO which acts as a
spring board for mobilizing support. Frame extension is when the
Coalition presents its forum to an audience that can be included
provided the framing of the issue addresses the issues of that
particular audience. Frame transformation happens when the key ideas of
the frame work are redefined, with new activities and events that still
fit in a primary framework.  The frame alignment becomes crucial, in
that it provides a continuing activity for members to participate in
that are solidary incentives or purpose incentive. 


__________________________________________________________________

Bibliography

Primary Sources

B.		1. Freeman, Jo.  "The Tyranny Of Structurelessness"
Berkeley Journal of 	Sociology,  (1972)  Vol. 3, pages 151-164.


B.		2. Staggenborg, Suzanne.  "Stability And Innovation in
the Women's Movement: A 	Comparison of Two Movement
Organizations" Social Problems, (1989) Vol. 36, Number 1, 	pages
75-92.


B.		3. Gamison, William.  Chap. 7, The Strategy of Social
Protest, Combat Readiness, 	pages 89-109, Dorsey Press, (1975)


B.		4. Piven, Frances F, and Coward, Richard, Poor People's
Movement, Pantheon 	Books, (1977)


B.		5. Jenkins, Craig. "Radical Transformation of
Organizational Goals"  	Administrative Science Quarterly, (1977) Vol.
22, pages 568-586.


B.		6. Burns, Stewart.  Social Movements of the 1960's,
McMillian Publishing Co., 	(1990)


B.		7. Stein, Arlene.  "Between Organization And Movement:
ACORN and the Alinsky 	Model of Community Organizing"  Berkeley Journal
of Sociology, (1986) Vol. 31,
	pages 93-115


B.		8. Morris, Aldon D. and Mueller, Carol McClurg.
Frontiers in Social Movement 	Theory, Yale University Press, (1992)


B.		9. McAdams, Doug.  "Recruitment to High-Risk Activism:
The case of Freedom 	Summer" American Journal of Sociology, (1986)
Vol. 92, pages 64-90.


B.		10. Stoecker, Randy.  "Who Takes Out The Garbage? social
Reproduction And 	Social Movement Research"  Perspectives on
Social Problems, (1992) Vol. 3, 
	pages 239-264.


B.		11. Snow, David.  "Frame Alignment Processes,
Micromobilization, and Movement 	Participation"  American
Sociological Review, (1986) Vol. 51, pages 464-481.




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